The period from to is marked by a process of mixing the political norms of the steppe with the sedentary ideals of Islamic tradition. This original identity was not undisputed, and the dispute, fed by the circumstances of conquest in 14th-century Anatolia and the Balkans and by 15th-century politics in the capital, ended in the ascendancy of the more hierarchical and exclusio- nary identity of gaza. In an article published in , Jennings pointed out that the Ottomans could not be regarded as ghazi because their army was a melting pot of population of the Anatolia region and not a ghazi army. It was the literary picture of early gazis, and not the actual history of accommodation, that formed the basis of Ottoman identity in the centu- ries to come. Lindner saw tribalism through the lens of anthropology , which views tribes as organizations based not on shared bloodlines, but on shared political interests.
Beyond the pragmatic considerations, the Ottoman inclusive attitude was based on two cultural elements. The methodology of Lowry is at times biased if not teleological. Charles Diehl, a French Byzantinist, joined him and believed that the Turks were merely rough soldiers, but certainly no administrators and they understood little from politics. The Ottoman Emirate — There were even attempts to reconcile Islam and Christianity.
The Boko Haram Reader: But, in case of great danger for yhesis Muslim community, the gaza was asserted as farz-i ayn: Beyond the pragmatic considerations, the Ottoman inclusive attitude was based on two cultural elements. This was the description of a secular hero; the hero of religion, the alp-eren, was characterized by purity, unworldliness, contemplation, contentment, trust in God, spiritual knowledge, and religious zeal. To conclude, I have shown that gaza is not the same as holy war.
The non-Muslim military elite and the Christian leading clerics were included in the Ottoman administrative system. We do not know how such Byzantine influences affected Murad, but the young prince Bayezid seems to have been more open to change. According to him the ghazis were the frontier fighters who lived in the uj, a marchland dominated by the uj-begis.
wittke In other words, Ottoman historiography acquired a kind of exoticism, fabricated by European observers. DARLING ously able to differentiate between the Byzantine and Balkan Orthodox Christians, with whom they intermingled and intermarried and also foughtand the Latin Christians with whom they conducted only trade and crusade.
It was the gzai picture of early gazis, and not the actual history of accommodation, that formed the basis of Ottoman identity in the centu- ries to come. The self-representation and the ideological components of Ottoman sovereignty must have been very influential in the legitimacy and longevity of the dynasty.
It is rather revealing to explore how the Ottomans perceived their policy of expansion and legitimized it. Emecen in suggested a study of the use of the title of Gazi in diplomatic correspondence and corre- spondence manuals, but this has not yet been done; F.
In this discursive and historical context, the self-image of the Ottoman princes began to form as gazi-sultans. Secondly, the Ottomans were no descendants of the Cengiz Hanid dynasty or from wittem aristocratic branch of the Oghuz-tribe, which also could have legitimized their rule.
Ghaza thesis – Wikipedia
The invasion of other Anatolian beyliks demanded some defense in view of the religious prohibition against fighting fellow Muslims. Paul Wittek claimed that the Ottoman state expanded because of its Islamic inclination to wage a holy war or gaza.
He and others also argue convinc- ingly that the Ottoman Empire was a multiconfessional society, but cen- tralization alone does not account for the constant religious jingoism that accompanied Ottoman tolerance and that was not a lapse on the part of a few individuals but another pervasive feature of Ottoman identity.
Over the last two decades, our understanding of Ottoman history has become richer and better balanced thanks to recent historical scholarship. Ayverdi, demonstrates that it can not be dated tobut eittek a later period, possiblywhen 38 Ibid, 2. Not intended to supplement the collection edited by V.
During the fifteenth century, the centralizing policies of sultan Mehmed II ran counter to the objectives of the semi- independent frontier gazi-warriors. Other Muslim rulers in Anatolia before the Ottomans also had used the title of gazi. Within two or three decades from their foundation, the beyliks had acquired capital cities, literate administra- tions, coinages, markets, mosques and dervish lodges, schools, flourish- ing agriculture and trade, and diplomatic relations with the Byzantine Empire.
But maybe this is the clue to his renown. As the last in a Khaldunian cycle of rulers, Bayezid had to be portrayed as corrupt and over-civilized and his successor as a simple but pure war- rior emerging to begin a new cycle. It was only when the sultans abandoned the ghazi ideals that the state lost its force. Purchase Subscription prices and ordering Short-term Access To purchase short term access, please sign in to your Oxford Academic account above.
In fact this delay made it possible for the Ottomans to build and consolidate their institutions. The Hurufi sect from Iran, teaching the unity of Islam, Judaism, and Wigtek, spread widely among urban Christian and Muslim craftsmen in Anatolia and the Balkans despite heavy persecution for over a century after Consequently, the terms gqzi, jihad and holy war were used as interchangeable synonyms in many scholarly works.
For the nomadic Turks who came to the Muslim frontiers, conversion was a dual process. Jennings considers that since the inscription of the mosque of Bursa dated from the beginning of the fifteenth century, this demonstrates that the ghazi idea became a part of Ottoman ideology only in the fifteenth century.
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